Xenophanes

Xenophanes of Colophon was an influential figure in early Greek thought, generally characterized as a philosophical poet and theologian who was active in the late 6th and early 5th centuries B.C.E.¹ His teaching found expression in poems, which he recited in his extensive travels all over Greece.² Belonging to the pre-Socratic tradition, Xenophanes, in his surviving fragments, considered nature, theology, epistemology, and also morality. However, his most controversial recommendation concerns the nature of the divine and how we ought to conceive of it. For instance, scholars assume that he advocated a monotheistic (or pantheistic) conception of divinity and criticized the widespread anthropomorphic polytheism in Greek religion—especially the depictions of the Gods in myth, as found in the works of poets like Homer and Hesiod (fr. 11).³

The following article covers his life and works, and then by referring to the few remaining fragments preserved only by others who lived during the classical era, it will cover moral conduct, the divine, and the philosophical heritage and legacy that Xenophanes may have contributed to (On Nature and Epistemology are two other developments that are not mentioned here, but are worth studying—see bibliography). Against the prevailing scholarly view, Xenophanes was neither a rigid monotheist (nor an atheist), and his criticism of Homer and Hesiod did not amount to a rejection of Greek polytheism, nor to a denial of the poets’ sanctity. Rather, like Plato, he sought to re-educate humanity regarding the divine, teaching that true piety lies in discerning the divine virtue within oneself and aspiring toward the perfection of God or the Gods.

LIFE AND WORKS

Xenophanes was a native of Colophon, an Ionian city. His father was identified as Dexius, or, according to Apollodorus, Orthomenes. He led a wandering life after becoming an exile or fugitive from his native Ionian home, and by his own account, he recounts having spent sixty-seven years travelling about the Greek land (Hellas). Although, he only started travelling at the age of twenty-five, making him ninety-two when he died. During his life, he resided in Sicily, including Zancle and Catana, and later established himself in southern Italy at Elea.⁴ He referred to the Median invasion as an event that took place during his lifetime, and lived until at least the time of Hieron, the tyrant of Syracuse. Tragically, he is reported to have buried his sons with his own hands.⁵ Apart from these details, little additional biographical information is available.

Regarded as a philosopher-poet (and theologian), his works only survive in fragments. Xenophanes delivered his opinions in verse, as the art of prose writing had not yet been cultivated during his lifetime.⁶ His writings utilized several poetic metres and genres:

"Xenophanes' Works"

Epic Metre (Hexameters): Used for some of his teachings. The epic fragments contained his attacks on the "anthropomorphic and anthropopathic polytheism" of his contemporaries.

Elegiacs: A considerable number of fragments survive in this metre.

Iambics: These were also attributed to him. Diogenes Laërtius notes he used elegiacs and iambics to attack Hesiod and Homer.

Satires (Silloi): Xenophanes composed satires, referred to as Silloi. These satires were characterized by a critical tone.

Didactic Poem (On Nature): A didactic poem in epic metre was attributed to him (debated), which was subsequently titled "On Nature" (Peri Phuseôs) by later writers.⁷

As previously mentioned, his surviving works encompass religious and social critique, cosmology and natural science, and epistemology. During his travels, he recited his poetry rhapsodically, expressing heroic and elevated themes. In form and tone, Xenophanes’ poetry bears clear similarities to that of Homer and Hesiod: it was composed in epic meter and employed many of the same poetic devices and themes. Moreover, he made frequent use of Homeric phrases and expressions—suggesting that, if his attitude toward the “educator of all Greece” (fr. 10) had truly been as harsh as often claimed, he would have avoided such imitation far more than he did.⁸

ON MORTAL CONDUCT

Xenophanes’ fragments concerning “Men and Morals” (e.g., 1, 2, 3, and reveal a vision of conduct grounded in virtue and reverence toward the divine, anticipating several ethical and theological ideas later developed by Plato.⁹ Moreover, these fragments show that Xenophanes affirmed the divine in pluralistic terms, consistent with Greek polytheism.

Fragment 1

[Seeing, then, that your banquet, as Xenophanes of Colophon says, 'is full of all kinds of pleasure':] For now the floor is clean as are the cups and hands of all. One puts on the woven garlands; another passes along a fragrant ointment in a bowl. The mixing bowl stands full of cheer and another wine, mild and flower fragrant in the jars, is at hand -which says it never will give out. In the midst frankincense gives forth its sacred scent, and there is cold water, sweet and pure. Golden loaves lie near at hand, and the noble1 table is loaded down with cheese and rich honey. An altar in the centre is covered all about with flowers while song and festive spirit enfold the house. But first glad-hearted men2 must hymn the god with reverent words and pure speech. And having poured a libation and prayed to be able to do what is right - for these are obvious4 -it is not wrong to drink as much as allows any but an aged man to reach his home without a servant's aid. Praise the man who when he has taken drink brings noble deeds to light, as memory and a striving for virtue bring5 to him. He deals neither with the battles of Titans nor Giants nor Centaurs, fictions of old, nor furious conflicts - for there is no use in these. But it is good always to hold the gods in high regard.

Athenaeus 11, 462c (for full citation of this and subsequent frag-ments see Greek texts above).¹⁰

Xenophanes shows a concern, like Plato, regarding the moral influence of poetry on citizens.¹¹ In this sympotic poem, he praises the man who brings “noble deeds to light,” while discouraging the repetition of the old “fictions” concerning the battles of Titans, Giants, and Centaurs, noting that there is “no use in these.” His censure arises from the conviction that such tales of divine misconduct provide corrupt models for moral education and civic training. This position is closely mirrored in Plato’s philosophy, where he maintains that only “hymns to the Gods and praises of good men” (Republic 607a) should be admitted into the city.¹²It is important to note that Xenophanes, particularly in line 24, does not dispute the number of Gods described by Homer or Hesiod, but rather their portrayals and the moral impressions they convey.

While not every fragment need be discussed here, fragment 3 is especially noteworthy for its continuation of moral themes, as it concerns individual virtue and collective idealism:

Fragment 3, Athenaeus 12.526a¹³

The Colophonians, as Phylarchus says, being originally austere in their habits, ran aground on a luxurious lifestyle when they made themselves friends and allies to the Lydians, walked about with their hair decked out with gold ornament, as Xenophanes also says:] And having learned unprofitable luxuries from the Lydians, as long as they were free of hateful tyranny, they used to go into the agora wearing robes all of purple, not less than a thousand in all, boastful, exulting in their gorgeous long-flowing hair, drenched in the scent of prepared unguents.

Fragment 3 laments the adoption of extravagant habits by the Colophonians; his condemnation stems from a belief that such indulgence corrupts the moral character of citizens and distances them from the moderation and self-control proper to a virtuous and godlike life. Like Plato, if the individuals that make up the whole were compromised with excess, so was the state (Republic cf. 607a, 378b, 372b.).¹⁴

As opposed to James Lesher’s interpretation, which proposes that Xenophanes is “demythologizing” divine retribution for hybris (excess, pride, arrogance) in favor of a “natural explanation,” it is equally reasonable to suppose that he aligned himself with the ancient concept of divine Nemesis and Hesiod’s description of Zeus’ punishment of hybris. In Works and Days (238ff.), Hesiod describes Zeus as arranging punishments for wrongdoers through a variety of calamities, assisted by an army of 30,000 “spirit-watchers clothed in mist” who oversee human conduct (248–255). Such an alliance is not inconsistent with Xenophanes’ Ionian naturalism, for in his view the Gods serve as heralds of nature, and the forces they represent may bring blessing or calamity—explained with or without recourse to mythos.¹⁵

This argument leads to the next section, “On the Divine,” which examines Xenophanes conception of God and/or Gods.

ON THE DIVINE

i) Monotheist or Polytheist?

Fragments 23–26, along with several others critiquing anthropomorphism, form the basis for most arguments concerning Xenophanes’ religious conception. Scholars advocating a strictly monotheistic interpretation often take fragment 23 as evidence that Xenophanes was a priori a monotheist, holding that a plurality of Gods was impossible on purely logical grounds.¹⁶ Furthermore, the description of the “One God” in these fragments is frequently taken to support the view that Xenophanes employed polytheistic, anthropomorphic deities as a contrast to demonstrate not only the superiority of the One God but also the nonexistence of the others—interpreting his plural references to “Gods” as merely sarcastic or ironic.¹⁷

Fragment 23, Clement 5.109¹⁸

[Xenophanes of Colophon, teaching that god is one and without body, asserts:] One god is1 greatest among gods and men, not at all like mortals in body or in thought.

However, this interpretation lacks sufficient support when one considers not only the fragments discussed in the previous section but also Xenophanes’ multiple references to many Gods in other fragments (praising and exaltation).¹⁹ Moreover, given the cultural context of the time—and the fact that the very fragments cited in favor of monotheism contain internal contradictions—the claim that Xenophanes was a strict monotheist becomes increasingly untenable.²⁰

His critique of anthropomorphism (Gods having human characteristics) in fragments 14 and 16 is often taken to support fragments 23–26, as it assumes that God is unlike mortals in both body and mind. While Xenophanes was indeed correct in this assertion, it does not necessarily imply that the Gods lack clothing, voice, body, or physical traits such as eye or hair color. Rather, his warning is directed against attributing to the Gods fixed characteristics derived from human limitations and cultural biases. His intent is to encourage mortals to conceive of the divine as it truly is, rather than as one imagines it to be according to one’s own customs and likeness. In essence, Xenophanes’ message here is that what is immortal should not be made mortal.

Fragment 14, Clement 5.109

[And again:] But mortals suppose1 that gods are born, wear their own clothes and have a voice and body.

Fragment 16, Clement 7.22²¹

[The Greeks suppose that the gods have human shapes and feelings, and each paints their forms exactly like their own, as Xenophanes says:] Ethiopians say that their gods are snub-nosed and black; Thracians that theirs are blue-eyed and red-haired.

Therefore, now that it has been argued that Xenophanes wasn’t a proto-monotheistic, birthing the rise of any Abrahamic dogma, nor a traditional Greek as they understand the divine through myth alone, this sermon my High Priest Hooded Cobra may shed light on the apparent contradiction between monotheism and polytheism: https://ancient-forums.com/threads/temple-of-zeus-are-we-polytheism-or-monotheism.298403/

To summarize, the “One God,” or as Aristotle describes it, the “eternally moving, unmoved” (akineton kinoun), represents the theoretical core of existence and the infinite field of divine consciousness, identified by some with the aether or with Zeus himself. Aristotle even referred to Xenophanes as “the first partisan of the One” (Metaphysics). Yet it is through the Gods, understood as multiple divine beings, that this singular principle finds expression and purpose, for they are the celestial manifestations of the cosmos. Thus, in the very fragments that have provoked so much scholarly debate, Xenophanes acknowledges the “One” while simultaneously affirming the reality and necessity of the many Gods who give that unity its living form.

ii). Critique of Homer or Hesiod?

Since it has been demonstrated that Xenophanes is neither against anthropomorphism (in the strict sense of mortal attributes) or polytheism, why in fragments 11 and 12 does Xenophanes excoriate Homer and Hesiod? Like many philosophers that came after him, he believed in the doctrine of divine perfection,²² which hold that if Gods truly exist, they must inherently be good. Therefore, the depictions of them in mythology are contrary to their true nature, allegorical or not. Xenophanes' criticisms were largely motivated by a concern for the negative ethical impact of the poets’ narratives. He believed accounts of divine misconduct served as bad paradigms for moral education and civic training, not unlike Plato.²³

And, with the limited surviving fragments of Xenophanes, there’s little reason to suppose that he was any more critical than Plato was of their portrayals, especially consider that they had similar concerns and goals in mind—revisionism.²⁴ Before reading the fragments, it may be helpful to read a reply from High Priest Hooded Cobra on the philosophical disagreements regarding poetry: https://ancient-forums.com/threads/plato-why-does-he-reject-myths.95976/post-503026

Fragment 11, Sextus Empiricus 9.193

[Hence Xenophanes' refutation of Homer and Hesiod:] Homer and Hesiod have attributed to the gods all sorts of things which are matters of reproach and censure among men: theft, adultery, and mutual deceit.

Fragment 12, Sextus Empiricus 1.289²⁵

[Homer and Hesiod, according to Xenophanes the Colophonian:] ... as they sang of numerous illicit divine deeds: theft, adultery, and mutual deceit. [For Cronus, in whose time they say was the happy life, castrated his father and swallowed his children, while his son, Zeus, after removing him from his kingdom 'threw him under the earth ...' (Eiad 14.204) etc.]

This aligns with the fragments on moral conduct (fr. 1 and 3), where Xenophanes’ poetry reflects on how one ought or ought not to behave, emphasizing that since the Gods are perfect and good, their representations and human conduct alike should strive to mirror their divine virtue. It was less a “refutation” among poets and philosophers and more a theoretical exploration of what “could be.”

PHILOSOPHICAL HERITAGE

Xenophanes’ philosophical heritage was multifaceted, spanning theology, epistemology, and social critique, and notably influencing the trajectory of thought leading to Plato and the Eleatic school.²⁶ Xenophanes is widely known as the reputed founder of the Eleatic school of philosophy, which derived its name from the town where its principal philosophers resided: Elea (Velia) in southern Italy.²⁷ The Eleatic school starts from the principle of the unity of all things—his primary position was that there is a unity in all things, and that this unity is God (see On the Divine section).²⁸

Xenophanes’ teaching, particularly his theological emphasis on the unity of God, is considered by some scholars to have paved the way for the philosophical henism, or unity of Being, later developed by Parmenides and Zeno. Furthermore, Xenophanes may have contributed for the skeptical lineage, too, for his epistemological fragments harken to total doubt over what can be truly known (see fr. 34). Timon of Phlius, the "sillographer" and follower of Pyrrho, praised Xenophanes, calling him a "fledgling sceptic."²⁹

Fragment 34, Sextus Empiricus 7.49.110³⁰

[Xenophanes, according to those who interpret him differently, when he says:] ... and of course1 the clear and certain truth2 no man has seen nor will there be anyone who knows about the gods and what I say about all things. For even if, in the best case, one happened to speak4 just of what has been brought to pass, still he himself would not know. But opinion is allotted to all. [appears not to abolish all apprehension, but that which is scientific and infallible ... ]

Finally, Plato can be seen as the spiritual heir of Xenophanes in several key aspects of his philosophy. Xenophanes influenced Plato primarily in two ways: through his critique of traditional Greek religion and morality, and through his philosophical approach to the divine. This intellectual heritage is particularly evident in the development of Plato’s moral and political philosophy as presented in the Republic.³¹

LEGACY

Xenophanes of Colophon’s legacy is complex, often framed by the ancient world as revolutionary and foundational, especially regarding his critique of traditional religion and his indirect influence on later philosophical movements like Eleaticism and Platonism. While sources describe Xenophanes as vehemently attacking Homer and Hesiod, with thoughtful analysis, his goal was not unlike Plato’s—better understood as demands for fundamental reform or revision of traditional religious concepts, driven by a notion of divine perfection. Xenophanes' unique formulation of the divine nature significantly influenced metaphysical and theological concepts developed by Aristotle, which were later central to Neoplatonic interpretations of the divine.

As a final debasement of strict monotheistic claims, fragment 25 says the following:

Fragment 25, Simplicius 23.19

[And Xenophanes says that it thinks all things, saying:] ... but completely without1 toil he shakes all things by the thought of his mind.

Xenophanes' Fragment 25 describes the one greatest god achieving total cosmic power "completely without toil" (apaneuthe ponoio), and scholars consider this a sharp contrast with the Homeric depiction of Zeus, who displays his power by shaking great Olympus with a single nod of the brow. However, without bias academic hair-splitting, a nod of the brow is just as effortless as a thought, and Xenophanes’ One God is none other than Zeus himself (consistent with Stoic or Neoplatonic thought). ³²

Additionally, this God “shakes” (trembling), comparable to the cosmic role played by Zeus who likewise makes Olympus quake (elelizet) (in the Iliad 1.530).³³

This overlap between Xenophanes’ One God and Zeus marks a pivotal shift in Greek thought, from mythic anthropomorphism to philosophical abstraction. Xenophanes does not reject the divine tradition but redefines it; his “One greatest god” reveals Zeus rather than denying him. In doing so, he bridges poetry and philosophy and lays the groundwork for later metaphysical systems.